Policies and practices with respect to educating English learners (ELs) in the United States have historically been driven largely by beliefs and attitudes about how best to ensure that they acquire high levels of functional proficiency in English as quickly as possible (Espinosa, 2013). These beliefs and attitudes have reflected a combination of what might be regarded as common sense and scientific theories about what is best for ELs with respect to learning English. Generally speaking, educational policies and practices concerning the role of language in the education of ELs reflect four commonly held beliefs (see Cook, 1992; Cummins, 1981; and Grosjean, 1985, for earlier renditions of these ideas), all of which have been challenged by empirical research (see Genesee, 2015, for a review of that evidence):
Learning and using more than one language is burdensome and has associated costs and disadvantages.
Young children are effective and efficient (second) language learners.
Amount of exposure is a significant correlate of language competence.
The languages of bi- and multilinguals are separate neurocognitive systems.
Taken together, these beliefs have had important implications for thinking about when and how ELs should learn English and about schooling for ELs in general. For example, and of particular importance for the discussion in this chapter, how long does it or should it take ELs to achieve
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Policies and practices with respect to educating English learners (ELs) in the United States have historically been driven largely by beliefs and attitudes about how best to ensure that they acquire high levels of functional proficiency in English as quickly as possible (Espinosa, 2013). These beliefs and attitudes have reflected a combination of what might be regarded as common sense and scientific theories about what is best for ELs with respect to learning English. Generally speaking, educational policies and practices concerning the role of language in the education of ELs reflect four commonly held beliefs (see Cook, 1992; Cummins, 1981; and Grosjean, 1985, for earlier renditions of these ideas), all of which have been challenged by empirical research (see Genesee, 2015, for a review of that evidence):
Learning and using more than one language is burdensome and has associated costs and disadvantages.
Young children are effective and efficient (second) language learners.
Amount of exposure is a significant correlate of language competence.
The languages of bi- and multilinguals are separate neurocognitive systems.
Taken together, these beliefs have had important implications for thinking about when and how ELs should learn English and about schooling for ELs in general. For example, and of particular importance for the discussion in this chapter, how long does it or should it take ELs to achieve
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