The references to colonialism by the senior Indian political leadership represent both continuity and change in India’s foreign policy. It constitutes ‘continuity’ because anti-colonialism has been a dominant theme in India’s foreign policy. Prior to and immediately after independence, Indian leaders have aggressively campaigned for decolonisation in Asia, Africa and other distinct parts of the world. The material and political gains of decolonization advocacy for India can be debated, but it was carried forward as a matter of principle. As a consequence of these sustained campaigns, there is a considerable discourse that is compatible with looking at the world through ‘colonial/imperial’ frameworks. Even after almost seven decades of independence, the apprehension of a possible return of colonialism occasionally seeps into the discussion on economic policy in India. In other Asian countries too, the call for an anti-colonial framework to understand the evolving geopolitics may find some partners with similar historical experiences. Therefore, the current reflections on the need for anti-colonial approach by Asian countries draws on a reservoir of historical experiences and a familiar lens of looking at the world.

The current deployment of the anti-colonial device in foreign policy differs from earlier approaches. Till the 1970s the need for anti-colonial struggle against Western/European countries was constantly advocated on international platforms. As a consequence, anti-colonialism sought to achieve “Afro-Asian Solidarity,” which proved to be elusive. Now, the need to guard against the 21st-century version of colonialism is being deployed with reference to the rise of an Asian power. It is ironic that the advent of the Asian century is accompanied by genuine unease about the rise of colonialism in and from Asia. The current discussion on colonialism also indicates the nature and scale of power-shift in global politics.

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It is interesting to note that the representatives from Vietnam and Myanmar were present when these remarks were made by the Indian leaders. Vietnam and China are embroiled in a maritime dispute in the South China Sea. The growing Chinese military presence in the South China Sea is a source of concern in Vietnam. On the other hand, Chinese economic activities have generated considerable anxieties in Myanmar. There is a strong opinion that China is deriving disproportionate benefit from the export of natural resources, such as natural gas, precious stones and forest resources from Myanmar. In many countries across Asia, there are concerns that Chinese infrastructure projects and associated financing practices are propelling them into a debt-trap. Given these experiences and associated anxieties, the necessity of contesting neo-colonialism may find resonance in Southeast Asian countries. These apprehensions were also encapsulated in the recent India-US joint statement which called for greater transparency and the “use of responsible debt financing practices” in the development of connectivity infrastructure.

If combating neo-colonialism is going to be a dominant theme in India’s foreign policy, then it would require a multi-pronged strategy. First, since some countries in Southeast Asia are still experiencing state-building challenges, there is a need for a clear definition and a modicum of consensus on what constitutes neo-colonialism. Neo-colonialism is not just any domination, but it is an iniquitous economic relationship wherein a country uses the natural resources of another and treats it merely as a marketplace for its finished products. A clear definition will enable mapping and designing appropriate responses. Second, the imperative of equal economic outcomes should animate not just trade discussions but also various focused conversations in academia as well as other foreign policy platforms. Third, care should be taken to ensure that the conversations on neo-colonialism do not generate anti-free trade rhetoric and act as a barrier to regional cooperation. And finally, new institutional frameworks which can generate and sustain the discussion on neo-colonialism should be created and fostered. It is through such multi-pronged strategy that India will be able to create a discursive framework, in consonance with its interests, to understand the Asian geopolitics.

(The author works as a Senior Consultant at ICRIER, New Delhi. The views expressed are personal)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this column are that of the writer. The facts and opinions expressed here do not reflect the views of www.economictimes.com.)

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ZAKIR HUSSAINASIASUSHMA SWARAJ

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